Social Struggles Resulting from Natural Disasters

Abstract

Over the past century, the Caribbean has suffered more than five hundred (500) natural disasters. These natural disasters often result in diseases, injuries, fatalities and other negative mental and physical health effects. Disasters can result in social grievances and resource scarcities which can trigger social conflicts. These natural hazards also effect economic growth in the Caribbean.

The growing literature on the economic impacts of natural disasters has focused on the effects on output, and the determinants of its economic costs. However, despite the many studies, there is little research about the social issues following a natural disaster.

This paper examines social struggles resulting from natural disasters. It also seeks to determine the effects natural disasters have on economic growth in the Caribbean. The ultimate goal being to clarify the concept of social conflicts arising from natural disasters, to summarize existing research on the links between natural disasters, social issues and economic growth, and to provide knowledge, recommendations and directions for future research.

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Introduction and Overview

The Caribbean is a great vacation destination for those living abroad. However, we are affected by different natural disasters, of varying intensities, much like the rest of the world. For the purpose of this research paper, the focus will be The Impacts of Natural Disasters on the Socio-Economic Development in the Caribbean. In order to discuss this topic effectively, we must first define a “natural disaster”. A natural disaster “is any catastrophic event that is caused by nature or the natural processes of the earth” (Basic Planet 2013). Another pertinent definition for this research paper is the meaning of “socio-economic”. That is, “of, relating to, or involving a combination of social and economic factors” (Merriam Webster Incorporated 2017).

The geographical position of the region within the Atlantic exposes the islands to hurricanes and associated hazards (heavy rainfalls, high winds, etc.) from June through November. Floods and landslides are also frequent. Small size, limited natural resources, large exposed coastal zones and high susceptibility to the potential effects of climate change and its associated rise in sea levels are some other characteristics that influences the region’s vulnerability.

It is the combination of these factors that helps to explain why hazards, in many cases, become disasters. Disasters, in turn, disrupt livelihoods and economies, and in some cases retrocedes years of development or put constraints on sustainable development.

The occurrence of disasters also affects the agricultural sector, and the ecosystems that provide benefits to the region’s inhabitants and that are key to the region’s economy (such as the tourism sector) and natural environments.

By means of a systematic literature review, this project attempts to summarize what is known about natural hazards and disasters in the Caribbean. This paper also summarizes the state of the economic literature examining the aggregate impact of disasters.

Review of Literature

There is a growing literature that studies the economic effects of natural disasters. In the Caribbean region, there are a few papers that study mainly the effects of hurricanes. Almost all existing research focuses on domestic production (GDP) or on incomes – other impacts of disasters have been under-investigated. Other papers examine various other facets of disaster impact.

Social

Within Caribbean countries, poverty remains the major factor determining vulnerability to disasters, because it limits resources that in turn allow more opportunities for escape, or survival when escape is impossible. The poor tend to live in less safe environments. Poorly-constructed slums are more vulnerable to earthquakes, landslides and flooding, while the homes in which the rich live (solid wall/concrete structures) are more likely to withstand the shocks of the natural disasters. Take Barbados for instance. Due to the main materials used to erect the houses (wood, galvanize), the majority of the houses did not stand a chance against Hurricane Janet in 1955. Two thousand (2000) Barbadians were left homeless, and thirty-eight (38) were reported dead.

Another example would be the passing of Hurricane Ivan over Grenada in 2004. It had winds of 125 mph and caused powerlines to be cut and 90% of homes to be damaged. The 17th century stone prison was also damaged, and convicts escaped. The hurricane also took the lives of more than 15 people. Surveys were carried out, and the 20.6% of the population that was unaffected were those living in “richer” areas across the island, i.e., concrete homes. (See figure 1).

The disaster mental health problem most commonly studied by psychologists and psychiatrists is post-traumatic stress disorder, which can occur after frightening events that threaten one’s own life and the lives of family and friends. Following a disaster, people might lose their jobs or be displaced from their homes. This can contribute to depression, particularly as survivors attempt to cope with loss related to the disaster. It is not easy to lose sentimental possessions or face economic uncertainties. People facing these challenges can feel hopeless or in despair. It is normal to experience fear, anxiety, sadness or shock after such a tragedy. However, if these symptoms continue for weeks to months following the event, they may indicate a more serious psychological issue.

Studies done by Neumayer and Plümper (2007) observe that women and girls are much more vulnerable to disasters than men, in terms of lowered life expectancy, with large disasters having an especially unequal effect. Women also tend to have less access to essential resources for preparedness, mitigation, and rehabilitation.

The impact of hurricanes on fertility was examined and Evans et al. (2009) find that mild hurricanes have a positive effect on human fertility, while strong hurricanes have a negative effect on human fertility.

Studies done by the Institute for Women’s Policy Research (IWPR) (2010) concluded that women in most regions share a greater responsibility for child care than men. Women also have their homes as their workplace more often than men, with residences often of less stable construction than commercial or public buildings. Women who are pregnant or recovering from childbirth have limited mobility and face additional difficulties during disasters. IWPR also noted that women also make up a greater proportion of the elderly, typically one of the groups with the highest mortality rates during disasters. Their study made other conclusions: women also face a high risk of gender-based violence (physical, mental and emotional violence) at the time of the disaster, during the immediate response and years that follow.

Economic

A shared characteristic of Caribbean economies is that they are generally helpless to natural disasters, because of their dependence on tourism, agriculture, etc. Typically, the concept of defenselessness in the face of natural hazards is related to two elements. Firstly, vulnerability is calculated by how often (frequent) and how severe (intense) the natural phenomenon is. The second element relates to the ability of the authorities to handle the effect of natural disasters: whether they are able to withstand the potential negative consequences that may arise or how quickly and effectively they can deal with the resulting damages.

Depending on the level of the devastation, while some Governments would receive regional and international aid, that assistance would only go so far. For islands that find their economies obliterated (eg. the Nutmeg Industry in Dominica, the eco-tourism product destroyed) how do they start to rebuild with their crops and industries completely devastated? Generally, the smaller islands in the region suffer immensely in the aftermath of any disaster, with it being concluded that their size would have played a part in the outcome. However, their challenges are still very real irrespective to their size, and their ability to overcome those challenges vary significantly when sometimes compared to their larger neighbours.

Generally, the smaller islands in the region suffer immensely in the aftermath of any disaster, with it being concluded that their size plays a part in the outcome. However, their challenges are still very real irrespective to their size, and their ability to overcome those challenges vary significantly when sometimes compared to their larger neighbours.

All the studies carried out addressed the economic issue, but from different points of view, and yielded different results. For instance, Worthington and Valadkhani (2004) trace the impact of disasters on stock markets using event study methodology and find mixed effects. Heger et al. (2008) focus on all the Caribbean islands and find that as growth collapses – in the aftermath of climatic events – the trade and fiscal deficits both deteriorate and the economies of the region find it difficult to rebound.

More recently, Strobl (2012) examines the effects of hurricanes in the Caribbean. Strobl finds that the average hurricane reduces output by 0.8 percentage points. However, his work did not consider other economic characteristics such as investment, inflation, etc., which impact growth. Therefore, it is possible that Strobl is overestimating the effects of hurricanes on growth in the region. Other researchers – Cashin and Sosa (2013) – also find that climatic shocks lead to an immediate and significant fall in output, but the effects do not appear to be persistent.

On the other hand, Fomby, Ikeda and Loayza (2013) estimate the mean response of growth to natural disasters. However, including additional variables to control for the endogenous effects of inflation, investment and government expenditure, and the exogenous effects of world output. They also study the impact of moderate versus severe disasters in developing countries, while further separating the types of natural disasters.

The progression of capital flows following disasters was investigated by Yang (2008). It was found that disasters generate some inflows (mostly international aid; but also other types of flows like transmittals). Rasmussen (2004) also studies the macroeconomic implications of natural disasters in the Caribbean. He finds that in the short run disasters generate an immediate contraction of output, a worsening of external and fiscal balances and an increase in transfers from abroad, while in the long run the effects are inconclusive.

Perspectives have differed as to if the impact of a disaster on long-term growth is beneficial. Any recovery and long-term development would in the first instance depend on the severity of the event. The immediate concern would of necessity be the day to day needs of the population and the ability of the Governments to meet those needs, whether they be food, shelter, the availability of any healthcare which would be required etc. particularly for those who were worse impacted. Governments would need to ensure as much as possible that donated resources were well distributed so that everyone benefitted. Any growth would not be immediately evident, as various assessments would need to be undertaken, and path(s) charted as to the best way forward. In this regard, some islands have taken a number of years before they were able to see any semblance of recovery, far less growth.

But again any development would depend on how much was undone by the disaster. The argument that the impact of natural disasters on long run growth is negative is supported by Benson and Clay (2003) while Skidmore and Toya (2002) argue that disasters may positively impact long-term growth, as the effect of a natural disaster may reduce the return on physical capital, thereby increasing the relative return to human capital (Heger, Julca and Paddison, 2008). Growth, in general, may be encouraged, however, how far this result remains effective for the Caribbean is unclear.

Contrastingly, Noy (2009) studies the effects of natural disasters on short term growth. Noy examines the economic characteristics that determine the impact of natural disasters on growth; finding that developing and smaller countries are more vulnerable to disasters, and that countries with better human capital, institutions, and larger governments tend to be less affected by them.

Noy and Vu (2010) and Loayza et al. (2012) report that natural disasters may even promote growth. One possible mechanism behind this positive impact is the enhancement of the productivity of the economy’s corporate sector – as reported in Skidmore and Toya (2002) and Crespo-Cuaresma et al (2008). These studies use aggregate data, therefore they cannot answer why and how corporate productivity improves due to natural disasters.

Methodology and Work-plan

A systematic search of English-language articles – over the time period of a century – indexed in electronic databases was conducted.

Some of the information here came from the publicly available Emergency Events Database (EM-DAT) maintained by the Center for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED) at the Catholic University of Louvain, Belgium (http://www.emdat.be/). The database is compiled from various sources, including UN agencies, non-governmental organizations, insurance companies, research institutions, and press agencies. EMDAT defines a disaster as a natural situation or event which overwhelms local capacity and/or necessitates a request for external assistance.

This is a systematic literature review. These are used as a method to assess, examine, and summarize the state of knowledge and understanding on a given field, topic, or research question using organized and replicable steps (Ford et al., 2011). They have been used to identify, classify, and summarize key trends in human-environment related research. The review also assessed associated concepts such as risk, vulnerability and resilience.

Reports viewed were also from The Institute for Women’s Policy Research (IWPR). They conduct rigorous research and disseminate their findings to address the needs of women and their families, promote public dialogue, and strengthen communities and societies. IWPR began research along the Gulf Coast almost immediately after Hurricane Katrina to learn how women in particular were affected, and how post-disaster conditions for women and their families might be improved.

Anticipated Outcome/Final Products and Conclusion

Social

Although the situations vary, the occurrence of a natural disaster can lead to increased misery for people whose lives have already been disrupted by conflict. It can also lead to further displacement, and increased hardship on communities hosting the displaced. Studies have shown that poorer countries are likely to suffer more. Because the definition of a natural disaster is linked to the response capacity of a society, state and social structures which are weakened by conflicts are less likely to be able to respond to the effects of a natural disaster, making it more likely that a natural disaster will occur.

To continue, simple measures can be taken to prevent additional hardships on women, such as having emergency contraceptives, antibiotics, and retroviral drugs available and making arrangements to help evacuate those who are elderly or disabled, particularly those without access to private vehicles.

While many disaster survivors show resilience, studies have shown mental and behavioral health issues cropping up weeks, months and even years after a disaster. Rebuilding can be a long process, with a series of ups and downs. Survivors may bounce back after a few months, or they may experience ongoing stressors, such as financial issues or problems finding permanent housing. Disaster anniversaries or other reminders – like a heavy rainstorm months after a hurricane – may also trigger reactions.

In addition, early disaster recovery efforts often focus on physical reconstruction. Psychological recovery may end up on the back burner.

A variety of mental health interventions can help those who have experienced a disaster.

Economic

The results of the literature is that natural disasters have a mixed effect on growth. However, I believe that large gaps in this literature remain, as EMDAT collects only limited information. For a disaster to be entered into the EMDAT database, at least one of the following criteria must be met: (1) ten (10) or more people are reported killed; (2) one hundred (100) people are reported affected; (3) a state of emergency is declared; or (4) a call for international assistance is issued.

Increasing resilience to natural hazards will require combinations of both soft and hard adaptation measures – from the pooling of risk through government-backed (or even international) insurance and credit schemes, to the more obvious construction of flood and storm defenses. In both cases, however, there is the hazard of encouraging greater risk taking by giving people a possibly false sense of greater security.

It is always said that “hindsight is 20/20 vision”. That may be so, but that “hindsight” is useless in the aftermath of an occurrence, unless it is seen as an opportunity to improve previously existing regulations with a view to improving the same for the future. Any problems which are revealed, irrespective to the particular area, should be thoroughly assessed and steps taken as much as is possible, to mitigate any recurrence.

References

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